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The Korean War

Holding the Line: July 29-August 2, 1950

accounts
Following a visit from United Nations commander MacArthur, General Walton Walker makes speeches, the so-called "Stand or Die Order," encouraging American troops to hold their defensive positions, even as the North Korean appearance on the western flank threatens Pusan, logistical lifeline to Japan. MacArthur next visits Formosa for an inspection trip. Controversy ensues as the extent of U.S. commitment in Asia is debated.

General [Douglas] MacArthur was over here two days ago; he is thoroughly conversant with the situation. He knows where we are and what we have to fight with. He knows our needs and where the enemy is hitting the hardest. General MacArthur is doing everything possible to send reinforcements. A Marine unit and two regiments are expected in the next few days to reinforce us. Additional units are being sent over as quickly as possible. We are fighting a battle against time. There will be no more retreating, withdrawal, or readjustment of the lines or any other term you choose. There is no line behind us to which we can retreat. Every unit must counterattack to keep the enemy in a state of confusion and off balance. There will be no Dunkirk, there will be no Bataan. A retreat to Pusan would be one of the greatest butcheries in history. We must fight until the end. Capture by these people is worse than death itself. We will fight as a team. If some of us must die, we will die fighting together. Any man who gives ground may be responsible for the death of thousands of his comrades.

I want you to put this out to all the men in the Division. I want everybody to understand we are going to hold this line. We are going to win.

Lieutenant General Walton Walker
Words to 25th Division staff, July 29, 1950

Image: General of the Army Douglas MacArthur. Photo: Department of Defense. Source: Truman Library.

MacArthur's responsibilities included governance of Japan as the Supreme Commander of the Allies in the Pacific (SCAP), command of U.S. troops in the Far East as Commander in Chief Far East (CINCFE) and the United Nations' military effort in Korea as Commander in Chief of the United Nations Command (CINCUNC). MacArthur's July 31 to August 1 reconnaissance visit (as CINCFE) to Formosa is often cited as the first in a series of incidents culminating in the General's dismissal by President Truman. Parts of the State Department and the White House saw his actions as running counter to the President's policy of "neutralizing" Formosa.

On July 28, based on a decision of the National Security Council, the Joint Chiefs of Staff sent MacArthur a message suggesting that a Communist Chinese invasion of Formosa was imminent. MacArthur responded, "I concur completely with the recommendation of the Joint Chiefs of Staff [then before the President proposing that Chiang be allowed to mine coastal waters and launch pre-emptive air strikes]. I am proceeding to Formosa with a selected group of staff officers on July 31st to make a brief reconnaissance of the situation there." When Secretary of State Dean Acheson expressed his disapproval of the Defense Department plans, the Joint Chiefs advised MacArthur he might want to postpone a personal visit in favor of a senior officer leading the military survey adding, however, "If you feel it necessary to proceed personally on the 31st [of July], please feel free to go since the responsibility is yours."

MacArthur did indeed choose to go and his high profile trip irked Acheson who, aside from believing the State Department was not properly consulted, felt the trip imperiled the "neutralization" policy which appealed to key U.N. allies, especially the British.

We [in the National Security Council had] debated a long time whether we would defend Formosa . . . . The Joint Chiefs [of Staff in 1948] said that with 2 and 1/3 divisions we could not defend it. The State Department - [Secretary of State Dean] Acheson - would write a memo to the Secretary of the [National Security] Council that the Joint Chiefs say we should use all economic and political means to prevent it from falling into the hands of the Reds. Suppose the economic and political means are not adequate. Is it still of such strategic importance that we should use military means? Well, he had quite a time making them stand pat, or face up to it. Finally, they said, “No, even if we have to take it after a war begins, we can’t take it now.” And the President approved that. It became government policy. Acheson was always blamed for giving up Formosa, but it was the Joint Chiefs. . . .

It was part of our policy which was [also] to withdraw our troops from Korea in 1948. Louis Johnson [of the Department of Defense] and [the Department of] State didn’t want to do that. But [future] President [Dwight] Eisenhower, who was then Chief of Staff, urged it. The Secretary of Defense [James Forrestal] said, when Louis Johnson came in in April 1949, “If those troops are not out in one month, the State Department has to pay for them.” So there we were. Acheson [later] announced [in his January 12, 1950, speech to the National Press Club] that it was another line of defense, that didn’t include Formosa and Korea, but he was just enunciating policy that had been passed on because of the strong representation of the military. Maybe the military should not have influenced it, but they felt without mobilization of the whole country, you couldn’t hold it. That was all. That [decision to consider Korea and Formosa outside the U.S. military sphere] was [made] in 1948, but when we went back into Korea [in 1950], the President took advantage of the situation to stick the 7th fleet in between Formosa and the mainland [of China. Truman declined anti-communist Chiang Kai-shek's offer of 33,000 of his troops from the island of Formosa to help in Korea. Instead the President used the fleet to separate the potential combatants in a "neutralization" policy].

Special Consultant to the President Sydney Souers
Presidential memoirs interview, February 15, 1954
Papers of Harry S. Truman: Post Presidential Files

         

When I visited Formosa, the week before that, I had been receiving reports from the Joint Chiefs of Staff expressing trepidation for the safety of Formosa, and I reported back that under these conditions, hard pressed as I was in Korea at that time, that I would go down there and make a personal reconnaissance and within the limit of time I spent there, I got very definite impressions. The generalissimo [Chiang Kai-shek] has probably in the neighborhood of a half million troop. The personnel is excellent. . . . Their material equipment is spotty. They lack trucks. They lack a great many of the modern refinements. They are capable of being made into a very excellent force. And their air--I should say they probably have between 200 and 250 planes. Their pilots are rather good. And for such a jerk-water group, they make a pretty brave showing.

Their navy is not a navy. It is a conglomeration of small ships. I went aboard one or two of them. They looked rather smart, but they are only capable of small coastal work, but the force represents a potential of a half-million first class fighting men.

General of the Army Douglas MacArthur
Congressional testimony, May 3, 1951

Image: Troops of the 35th Infantry Regiment man a rocket launcher, July 29, 1950. Photo: U.S. Army. Source: Truman Library

Across the center of the United Nations line, the continuing retreat of U.S. troops that prompted General Walton Walker's "Stand or Die" speech lessened, but did not halt. The 24th and 35th Regiments of the U.S. 25th Infantry Division fell back south of Sangju by the end of the month. About the same time the 1st Cavalry Division withdrew to Kumch'on. However, its rear was almost immediately threatened by the North Korean 3rd Division.

An even greater threat was posed by the North Korean flanking maneuver in the western sector. Opposite the North Korean 4th Division, the weary 24th Division sought to hold a line along the north-south road between the towns Kumch'on and Chinju, almost on the southern coast. By July 29, the 34th Regiment had been forced out of Koch'ang falling back to the east and the 29th Regiment was retreating south from Anui toward Chinju. Walker reinforced the Koch'ang area with the South Korean 17th Regiment and part of the U.S. 21st Infantry, while the southern half of the left flank was to be reinforced by the 27th Regiment pulled out of the center of the allied line. At Chinju, facing the North Korean 6th Division, was a mixed force including part of the 29th Regiment, South Korean troops and the badly shaken 19th Regiment, victims of the Hadong ambush. In fighting beginning the night of June 30 they failed to hold. Chinju was abandoned the next day. The withdrawing forces and other portions of the 29th Regiment ultimately assembled at a position called the Notch on the northern road to Masan, the last key city before Pusan. The 27th Regiment, as it came into position, assumed defense of the southern route to Masan. Reinforcements also included a company of medium tanks, the first of the larger tanks to arrive in Korea. On the southern road, the tanks were used to accompany the 1st Battalion of the 27th on a hard fought reconnaissance in force toward Chinju on August 2. A similar tactic the same day at the Notch was a failure, but the American and South Korean troops were able to hold their positions. The situation in the west was so critical that the remainder of the 25th Division was transferred to join the 27th Regiment and the 24th Division in defense of the southwestern sector. In the meantime orders were issued for the remainder of the United Nations troops to withdraw into what would be known as the Pusan Perimeter.

         

In preparing the President’s message to Congress on July 19, we were troubled by the repeated and emphatic insistence of the Department of Defense that the President state categorically that no National Guard divisions would be called up in the near future. I flatly refused to insert any such statement in the draft and informed [Assistant Secretary of Defense] Marx Leva that, if necessary, I would go to the President to defend my position on keeping such a statement out. My reason was simply that we couldn’t trust the Joint Chiefs of Staff 2 inches on such a matter and probably 2 days after the message went to the Hill, the Joint Chiefs of Staff would come over to the White House, hat in hand, and stated that they had to have some National Guard divisions.

I was wrong only in timing-on July 31st the Defense Department ordered up 4 National Guard divisions.

Administrative Assistant to the President George Elsey
Memorandum for the files, August 2, 1950
Papers of George M. Elsey

         

When we went in for our staff meeting this morning, the President said an “alarming” thing had just happened. He went on to tell us that Rep. Carl Vinson and Rep. Dewey Short, the former chairman and the latter ranking Republican member of the House Armed Services Committee, were trying to get Admiral [Forrest] Sherman, chief of naval operations, to the hill and were going to provide for a third division of the U.S. Marine Corps. The President said he was trying to get Senator [Millard] Tydings on the telephone. He said he was “hot under the collar” at these two trying to tell the armed forces men what they should have and upsetting the whole program. [Naval Aide to the President] Admiral [William] Dennison asked the President if he knew what Sherman told them when they called him and the President nodded. I asked Dennison and he said that Sherman said he would recommend what was proper.

There was also some discussion of the efforts on the “Hill” to give the President greater power over controls - rationing, prices and wages - than he had asked for. Some Republicans have been backing this, following urging by Bernard Baruch for complete controls. [Special Counsel to the President] Charlie Murphy or [Administrative Aide to the President Stephen] Spingarn commented that Senator [Burnet] Maybank, [Democratic] chairman of the Senate Committee on Banking and Currency, was inclined to go along on this. The President commented that these people all are seeking headlines and he added that they won’t learn anything about international politics.

The President sent letters to Maybank and Rep. [Brent] Spence, chairman of the House Committee on Banking and Currency today, saying he had no objection to such powers, provided the legislation is flexible and does not delay action on the original bill. He said what Maybank and the others should do is let the Republicans push it and then cooperate to such an extent the Republicans will start backing away from it.

Assistant Press Secretary to the President Eben Ayers
Diary entry, August 1, 1950
Papers of Eben A. Ayers

         

With reference to the paper on “Advance Beyond the 38th Parallel” [in which, for the first time, the State Department Policy and Planning Staff did not assume or advocate a halt of the U.N. forces at the pre-war Korean border] . . . I want to make it clear that while I accept the conclusion that we should not make any commitment one way or another now, I did not agree with much of the body of the paper.

In my opinion there is every reason to go beyond the 38th Parallel except possibly one, and that is our incapacity to do so and the fact that the attempt might involve us much more deeply in a struggle on the Asiatic mainland with Soviet and Chinese Communist manpower because of the strategic bearing that the northern part of Korea has toward Port Arthur and Vladivostok.

I think, however, we should allow the government of the Republic of Korea to advocate the unity of Korea as this is the one great popular issue and if the North Koreans advocate unity and the republic of Korea seems to advocate a return to disunity, then it will forfeit all popular support throughout Korea.

Consultant to the Secretary of State John Foster Dulles
John Foster Dulles to Paul Nitze, August 1, 1950
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1950, Volume VII

         

I had some apprehensions about . . . . the hazards involved in fighting Asiatics on the Asiatic mainland, which is something that, as a naval officer, I have grown up to believe should be avoided if possible.

I remember talking about this thing with the Secretary of Defense, then Louis Johnson, in August, expressing my view that if we possibly could, sooner of later we should get out of the business of fighting on the Asiatic mainland because even then . . . . it was perfectly obvious that if we were not going to drain off a good many resources in the Far East, we would have to find ways and means of terminating that type of operation which, if intervention took place from either Russia or China, could get to be a long process, absorbing a great deal of our military potential.

Chief of Naval Operations Admiral Forrest Sherman
Congressional testimony, May 31, 1951

     
Back to Holding the Line
July 22-28, 1950
August 3-5, 1950

 Document links
July 29-August 2, 1950
See the record from which the decisions were made
  • Press Release "Report of the United Command Operations in Korea for the Period 20 to 31 July 1950, Transmitted by Ambassador Warren R. Austin, United States Representative to the United Nations, to the President of the Security Council." Papers of Harry S. Truman: Selected Records Relating to the Korean War. (4 pages)
  • Memorandum of conversation, dated July 29, 1950, describing a meeting between the Secretary of State and Canadian officials regarding the prospects for Canadian participation in the United Nations force in Korea. Papers of Dean Acheson. (2 pages)
  • Personal message from the Joint Chiefs of Staff, dated July 31, 1950, to Douglas MacArthur outlining placement of atomic bomb components on Guam according to previously approved plans. Papers of Harry S. Truman: Naval Aide Files. (1 page)
  • Message from the Joint Chiefs of Staff, dated July 31, 1950, to Douglas MacArthur discussing air attacks on North Korean targets. Papers of Harry S. Truman: Naval Aide Files. (1 page)
  • Memorandum of conversation, dated July 31, 1950, describing a meeting between the Secretary of State and other diplomatic officials and the Prime Minister of Australia regarding Korea and other matters. Papers of Dean Acheson. (2 pages)
  • Letter to the Speaker Transmitting Supplemental Estimate of Appropriations for Military Assistance, August 1, 1950.
    Public Papers of the President, 1950.
  • Letter to Committee Chairmen on the Defense Production Bill, August 1, 1950
    Public Papers of the President, 1950.
  • Memorandum from Kenneth Hechler, dated August 2, 1950, to George Elsey reporting on public opinion data following the President's July 19 address to the nation on the Korean War. Papers of George M. Elsey. (1 page)
  • The Harry S. Truman Library and Museum is one of twelve Presidential Libraries administered by the National Archives and Records Administration.

    500 W. US Hwy. 24. Independence MO 64050
    truman.library@nara.gov
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