NOTICE
This is a transcript of a tape-recorded interview conducted for the Harry S. Truman Library. A draft of this transcript was edited by the interviewee but only minor emendations were made; therefore, the reader should remember that this is essentially a transcript of the spoken, rather than the written word.

As an electronic publication of the Truman Library, users should note that features of the original, hardcopy version of the oral history interview, such as pagination and indexing, could not be replicated for this online version of the Aylward transcript.

RESTRICTIONS
This oral history transcript may be read, quoted from, cited, and reproduced for purposes of research. It may not be published in full except by permission of the Harry S. Truman Library.

Opened September, 1976
Harry S. Truman Library
Independence, Missouri

[1]

FUCHS: Mr. Aylward, I wish you would give me, sir, a brief autobiographical statement--when and where you were born, your schooling, and so forth.

AYLWARD: I was born in Peoria, Illinois, 1885. My father and mother were Irish immigrants. They brought me to Kansas City when I was six months of age and I have lived here continuously ever since. All the other members of the family were born in Kansas City, Missouri--some twelve brothers and sisters. I went to parochial and public schools until the fifth grade and then I got a job. I was a newsboy, newspaper carrier, Western Union messenger boy, a cash boy in the department stores; had jobs of a similar character, office boy for a merchandise brokerage here. About 1899 I was in an office in the

[2]

West Bottoms and transferred from there to the New York Life Building. There I met Mr. Frank P. Walsh, who was a very prominent lawyer, and became fascinated with his career and reputation and ability, and wound up as his office boy. Frank Walsh was actively engaged in local and state politics--he was a member of the state committee and prominent in politics for his own crowd, the Shannon organization in Kansas City as opposed to the old State House crowd that was in power at that time. That was Governor Dockery and Allen who was treasurer, and Sam B. Cook, who was Secretary of State, and Joel Stone who was in the Senate--who really dominated and controlled the politics of Missouri at the time.

There was a controversy over the leadership and a division in the party. Joseph Folk of the City of St. Louis was the circuit attorney and prosecuted the boodlers in St. Louis; those who had received and accepted bribes or solicited bribes for the support of franchises granted to suburban railroads and other utilities; and he made an enviable reputation for obtaining convictions of members of the council and other leaders from the outside who had any connection with the bribery scandals. He became a candidate for Governor, and he established a statewide

[3]

reputation as a law enforcement officer, the leader of the party in St. Louis; and he ran against Mr. Harry Hawes, who was the leader of the Jefferson Democratic Club in St. Louis and who was aligned with Ed Butler, the boss of the City of St. Louis, for Governor of the State of Missouri. He won the primary election of the delegates to the state convention--the majority of them--and he was nominated over Hawes for Governor of the State of Missouri.

FUCHS: And this was what year, sir?

AYLWARD: 1904. Walsh supported Folk and so did Shannon, and they became the dominating leaders in Jackson County, Missouri on account of the Folk election. As far as patronage is concerned, why, they were in control of practically all of it.

Well, during those campaigns, as office boy I kept track of all of the charges and the debates, that is an account of them carried in the newspapers, concerning all the personalities in these campaigns, and from then on I kept a scrapbook, for every year thereafter I assume, about politics. So that's my introduction to

[4]

politics, and I was a member of the Shannon organization, faction in those days. I was unanimously selected by the leaders of the Democratic Party in Jackson County in, oh, say 1920 or maybe prior thereto, as chairman of the Jackson County Democratic Committee; and I continued in the office of chairman of the county committee for a period thereafter of sixteen to eighteen years. I was engaged in organizing the Democrats in the party into one unified and harmonious group, so that we could present a united front to the Republican organization, and we set up all the latest departments for accomplishing that effect. We perhaps had the strongest, the most powerful, and the most efficient political organization in this state at that time--all that time up until past the election of Truman.

FUCHS: Were you ever affiliated with the Shannon organization?

AYLWARD: I was affiliated originally with the Shannon organization.

So the leaders, Pendergast and Shannon and others, agreed that I should be selected as chairman of the Democratic County Committee and that was done and, as I

[5]

say, I was the man who was selected every two years thereafter. I used my good offices to keep the so-called bosses together. When they'd have a controversy, why, I did everything I could to bring about a rapprochement to prevent disunity, so that we could continue to win. There were many good experiences of that type.

FUCHS: You were practicing law all this time?

AYLWARD: Practicing law at this time, I was a partner of Frank Walsh--started as office boy and wound up as his law partner. He supported Woodrow Wilson for President and he was named by Woodrow Wilson as chairman of the Industrial Relations Commission in Washington to set up an investigation of the labor practices, the labor situation, and conditions throughout the country for the purpose of introducing legislation to correct evils that they encouraged in industry such as child labor, sweatshops, wages and hours, and sanitary conditions, and so forth; so he went from here to New York and Washington and opened an office in New York and Washington and I continued to practice law here in Kansas City and attended his office. He remained away for practically the rest of his life. He

[6]

came here occasionally. After his service on the Industrial Relations Commission he was appointed, with William Howard Taft, as co-chairman of the War Labor Board during the First World War. He served until Wilson went out of office in 1920.

I said I continued to manage the executive organization and to set up all the departments, I don't want you to think I did it all on my own. I had plenty of cooperation and help from the party leaders and the workers and the precinct captains and every person who was a member of the organization. We built this organization to the zenith of its power and we had I'd say 7,500 persons who were directly interested in winning elections for the Democratic Party. We had plenty of precinct workers--ten or twelve people to a precinct. They were not all jobholders; we didn't have that many jobs. We set up a registration department and polling department. We polled every householder, every voter in the community--this hasn't been done here for some twenty years. We knew from day to day who the voters were and what their predilections were, their selection of candidates in either party, or if they were independent or irregular. Whenever we polled

[7]

a voter and he manifested some doubts, why, we didn't put him down as doubtful, we put him in the Republican column. So that we actually had a substantial, accurate, truthful poll, and, as I say, it covered the entire city and most of the county--the townships out in the county. We had that kind of a working organization. We had all the various committees usually operating in an election; speakers' committee; habeas corpus committee to take care of members of the organization who were arrested for some violation of the law, when they really weren't violating the law, just to get rid of them, get rid of their services in the precinct. So we managed to get them out of jail so they could continue to work. In those days, from 1920 to '32, for twelve long years the Republicans were in power in this state. Hyde was elected Governor in 1920 and Baker in '24 and Caulfield in '28; so we had considerable opposition at that time and we were out of office almost out of the county and city until '26, when there was a charter election. There was a conference among the leaders of the party as to whether or not we should support this charter that was prepared and drafted by a political committee who were not close to the

[8]

Democrats. We believed that it was dominated by the Republicans. Prior to the adoption of the charter we had a councilmanic form of government. We had sixteen wards and sixteen aldermen in a lower house and sixteen in an upper house, and a mayor, and comptroller, and treasurer, and an auditor. That was the old form of government. So that was scrapped but the question for the leaders to decide was whether or not we should support this charter or be against it--what would be best for the party organization--whether we could live viably under it--continue to be a success as a political unit in Jackson County and Kansas City, particularly. So Pendergast and Welch after a conference decided they'd support the charter, and Shannon decided he'd be against it; so the charter was adopted.

FUCHS: That was Cass Welch?

AYLWARD: Cass Welch on Fifteenth Street, yes. He was the leader of the second ward in those days and he became aligned and affiliated with Pendergast, and we were all friends. Part of the Shannon crowd then departed from Mr. Shannon and joined Pendergast in support of the

[9]

adoption of the charter and thereafter in the election to nominate the candidates to office. After the charter was adopted, there was a primary election and we filed candidates for all the offices. The twelve councilmen and mayor- perhaps at that time they didn't have that many but that was the setup--one from each district. There were four councilmanic districts--one from the local district and the other four at large and a mayor, so that's nine. Shannon filed a ticket in the primary and Pendergast and Welch, and the others who went along with Pendergast, they supported the Pendergast slate in that primary, and the Pendergast slate won. Shannon was defeated by a substantial majority. Then the question arose what we were going to do about the division that would occur because of Shannon's defeat. So I waited a few days until after the election and then I went to see Mr. Thomas J. Pendergast; and I suggested to Pendergast that something ought to be done to induce Mr. Shannon to support the ticket in the general election because there was great danger of suffering a defeat if he didn't go along, if he bolted the ticket it had been bolted before and then been defeated. Well, he said, "Nobody can talk to him. You can't make deals with him."

[10]

I said, "Well, don't despair about it. I've got a suggestion I'd like to make to you."

He said, "oh, what is it?"

"Well," I said, "why don't you agree to give him one third of the patronage if we win, and two members of the nine directors to be appointed by the mayor or city manager, in a city manager form of government."

"Oh," he said, "he won't do that, you can't induce him to accept it."

"Well," I said, "you never know until you try."

I came uptown from his office at 1908 Main, and the Shannon organization had headquarters in the Law Building on the second floor, 9th and Walnut; and I went into the club's office and there was only one person there that morning and that was Peter J. Kelley, who was one of the first lieutenants of Mr. Shannon. Of course, they were in the doldrums, they were much disappointed, and despairing about what was going to happen to them politically, because it was either quit or bolt the ticket to try to beat the Democratic ticket. Of course these candidates did not run under any party label; they were just filed by organization but the candidates

[11]

we filed were all Democrats. Well, I said to Kelly, "I've got a suggestion I'd like to make to Mr. Shannon and I'd like to have you confer with him and transmit this suggestion to him."

And he said, "What is it?"

I said, "Assume that Pendergast and the crowd with him would consent to give Shannon a third of the patronage and two of the nine directors, don't you think it's a matter of justice and fairness in a division of the patronage that Shannon should support the ticket?"

Well, he said, "There's nothing we can do now but bolt."

Well, I said, "If you bolt, you're through forever--never come back at your age and that probably goes for others, too.

He said, "They won't do that."

I said, "You never know what they'll do until the effort is made;" I said, "You go and see Mr. Shannon." So he went over to see Shannon and of course Shannon laughed at him. He contacted Mr. Shannon and Mr. Shannon called me on the telephone. He said, "Pete Kelley is in my office and he tells me that you called

[12]

on him this morning at the Law Building and made certain suggestions to him what might be done to induce our organization to support the ticket."

I said, "Yes, that's true."

He said, "Well, I'd like to see you."

I said, "I'll come over to your office."

He said, "No, I'll come over to yours."

He sat down and he looked me over very carefully and critically, and asked me about this proposal and I said, "Well, now, I'm not committed to make that proposal to you but I'm willing to suggest that it be done, if it's satisfactory to you. I think it's fair and just and if you're reasonably minded, you'd accept it, because if you go out of politics now, you're through, and that may be true for Pendergast, too. You're both in the same shape although Pendergast is much younger than you."

He said, "I believe if Pendergast were to agree to do that I'd go along."

Well, I said, "Let me call Mr. Pendergast here in your presence." So I called Pendergast on the phone and I said, "Now, Mr. Shannon is in my office and I've been talking to him about consenting to support the slate in

[13]

the election."

And I suggested that this be done and that be done and he said, "Well, I told you that was all right."

I said, "Well, now take it easy. I want you to tell Mr. Shannon over this telephone that you're willing to consent to this arrangement," and I said, "Don't hang that telephone up after you've finished talking to Shannon because I want to talk to you in his presence." So I said to Mr. Shannon, "Here's Mr. Pendergast. Let him make his statement to you direct."

He did. Shannon agreed. So I said, "Don't hang the phone up. I want to talk."

So when they finished their conversation I said, "Now, Mr. Pendergast, in the presence of Mr. Shannon I want to say to you in order that there not be any misunderstandings as to the arrangement which you've agreed to, so that neither one of you can ever charge me with making any misrepresentations as to this matter, I want you to reconfirm it in person tomorrow some place. Make an appointment now where you can both meet." So I put Shannon back on the phone and he said, "All right." They met out on Hospital Hill out here in the car and reconfirmed it.

[14]

So we went on to do battle with the Republicans, who controlled the other side. Al Beach was mayor and he was running for reelection, and certain members of his council were running under this new charter setup for reelection for office. We won by 309 votes. The fifth man was George Goldman, who was in the jewelry business--he's still around here. And it was very close, too close for comfort. That gave us the majority of the council and the power under the charter provisions to appoint a city manager and the board of directors. Ben Jaudon, who had formerly been treasurer and made a good reputation with the voters and the tax paying people of the city, was our candidate for mayor. He was defeated by 500 votes by Beach, the former mayor who was running for reelection.

FUCHS: He was really a Republican?

AYLWARD: Oh, yes, oh, devout Republican, you understand. One of the old, most intense and bitter Republicans that ever held the office, and so were all the others--Langworthy had been mayor, was one of the leaders in the writing of this charter. Langworthy was one of the leaders of the Republican Party and all of the old line Republicans who

[15]

took an interest in national, state and local politics. There wasn't any question about it being a genuinely Republican setup as against the Democratic setup without labels.

Well, we had a law on the books that permitted the opening of the ballot box, if an affidavit were filed containing charges to the effect that irregularities had been committed in the voting in the precincts, which is a very general law and it was unconstitutional, in our opinion. Well, they proceeded to open the boxes in the Goldman contest in an attempt to count him out. We always appeared before the election commissioners; we had had to fight to keep our Democrats from being stricken from the rolls, the registration rolls, the voting roll. At times they filed against every naturalized citizen in this community, and we had to bring them down and stand them in line. We had lines with 1,500 people in them. We fed them during the day, took care of them until they got straightened out on the rolls. These were the troubles we had. This was all in the newspapers. You can read it. And we had an election committee that appeared before the election board--I usually went over there myself. Well, when these affidavits were filed to count

[15a]

the votes in the tenth precinct, Edward Curtain, who was a Democrat and formerly assistant prosecutor, and a prominent lawyer--we went over and had a conference with the election board which was dominated by the Republicans. See, this was in '26. Billy Bucholz was the chairman of the committee, Hiller and the other members--there was four men--two Democrats and two Republicans. Of course, the Democrats were picked by the Republicans, lukewarm Democrats. We made an argument to the effect that they didn't have the constitutional right to open these ballot boxes and of course they said the law is on the books and we have a right to open them and we're going to do it. Well, I said, "Let's be fair and reasonable and practical about this." I said, "If you'll agree to open these boxes and count the ballots in these ten precincts that are now tallied and to stop after you've finished the count in the ten precincts, we'll not take any legal action to prevent you from doing this, if you'll certify that either candidate is elected unless the vote is materially changed to the extent to give the Republican candidate a majority, you certify Goldman's election."

[16]

They said all right. So we waited around there and the count was made and we were ahead, didn't change the vote substantially, and then they filed fifty more affidavits to open fifty boxes more. It was then about six o'clock in the evening and I said, "Well, I've got some other things to do tonight. I don't want to stay around here " and suggested we adjourn. They agreed. Then we prepared a petition for a writ of prohibition against the election board to prohibit the election board from making this count on constitutional grounds. Under the constitution ballot boxes could only be opened in an election contest or a grand jury investigation, so under our construction of the law they had no right to do this, but they were doing it. And we also prepared a petition for Writ of Mandamus that compelled the election board to certify that Mr. George L. Goldman was duly elected a member of the council from the district in which he was a candidate. I went out to see Judge Willard P. Hall, who was the Circuit Judge in Independence--he was a Democrat--at his home--he lived out around 28th and Tracy. We presented the legal question to him and he said, "oh, I don't think you're entitled to the writ."

[17]

I said, "Judge, don't be so summary about it. Give us a chance to present it to you." I said, "I've got some petitions here that hold we're entitled to this writ." I said, "Let me make a suggestion about the matter. Will you give us a stop order and if you do, we'll travel tonight to Jefferson City to the Supreme Court of this state and in the morning we'll file a petition for a writ of prohibition to prevent them from counting Goldman out and a petition for an extraordinary Writ of Mandamus to compel them to certify that he's been duly elected. Following the decision of the Supreme Court I'll have one of my assistants dismiss this case from your court so that you will no longer have jurisdiction."

He said, "All right. Under those circumstances I will issue the order," which he did.

Then he drove to Jefferson City--an all night trip-and went to see Judge Walter W. Graves, who was the chief justice of the Supreme Court, and members of the court who had been empowered to pass on whether these writs should be granted or denied. I presented the matter to him and he read the decision and he issued the writ.

[18]

So, he set the case down for briefs and argument in the Supreme Court fifteen days after we saw him. Then I filed an election contest against Beach challenging his right to the office of mayor, claiming that he didn't receive a proper, legal vote. They voted them out of the jail, the poor farm, and military establishments; we set it up and set out the facts so as to make that kind of case against him. Well, they got fighting about that. of course, we were determined to do so until the Supreme Court passed on the question of Goldman's right to the seat in the council. I served notice to take depositions--kept that alive time to time and they were frightened. Charlie Blackmore who was a solid Republican and Gilmore, who was former police commissioner, and others were representing the Republican candidates in this fight, that's Beach and all the rest of them. So Blackmore jumped up and said, "Oh, I'm busy today. I can't take those depositions next Tuesday and I'd like to have it continued," and so forth.

I said, "All right, how much time do you need?" So it was continued.

Well, we argued and presented the case to the

[19]

Supreme Court and the Supreme Court unanimously held that the law was unconstitutional and void, and prohibited the election board from counting any more ballots in the precincts that were challenged, and issued a writ compelling them to certify Goldman's election to the council. So, I stalled around and played with them for awhile in this election contest and they were afraid. So, after stalling around with them I came in one day and they said they wanted another continuance, and I said, "Now, I'm going to end this."

So, we dismissed the election contest against Beach and he became mayor of Kansas City, and then we had a five to four council and we ran the government. Shannon got his two directors and one-third of the patronage, and Welch got about one-sixth, and they proceeded to elect members of the council and the mayor every election thereafter, until they fell from grace. If certain leaders in the party had behaved so as not to bring about any scandal, the Democratic Party would have been in forever. We were electing these tickets by 25-30,000 normal majorities. We even elected members of the council from Republican districts. So, the debacle occurred in

[20]

1939 on account of vote frauds and other things that reflected upon party leadership. We were driven from power. The ill feeling and hate for each other was such that they couldn't get together. If we'd been together that time, we could have won. John B. Gage was elected by about 10,000 votes. He was a Democrat running with the mixture--Democrats and Republicans--and that is the way it's been ever since, with the exception of one term; and we had a knockdown drag-out fight. Shannon and Pendergast had a ticket--that's Jim Pendergast--and I ran a ticket.

But it was no place for us. They just moved us out. The ticket supported by my friends and myself received about 19-20,000 votes in that primary.

FUCHS: What year was that?

AYLWARD: 1940 I think it was. They nominated Robinson, a lawyer, who was a very fine person against Gage who was a lawyer; and I made a speech supporting Gage in that fight after the nomination and Gage was elected. So, the Democrats were out thereafter and are still out in city hall. And there were other times along the road

[21]

where they were about to break up and I negotiated with them to stay together and kept them together; otherwise we couldn't have won.

FUCHS: What is your first recollection of Mr. Truman?

AYLWARD: Well, Truman was a member of the county court.

FUCHS: You had never met him until he became a judge?

AYLWARD: No, I didn't know him. He was affiliated with the Pendergast organization and he lived down in Independence in Jackson County; and then I got to know him around the courthouse.

FUCHS: You knew him when he was eastern judge?

AYLWARD: Yes. He was elected eastern judge first, presiding judge later, and another time he was defeated because the Shannon crowd bolted him in the election.

FUCHS: That was in '24.

AYLWARD: And this charter election was in '26. Well, the effect of that was to bring all of the feuding factions together and we had harmony and unity from that time on

[22]

until the debacle occurred, as they called it. Well, then in 1932 we were supporting Francis Wilson for governor. He'd been nominated four years before and defeated by Folk. He'd been a member of the state senate and he was United States District Attorney and he was a popular person. He had the skill and ability and capacity to serve as governor, so he filed in '32 for the nomination for governor and he defeated Russell Dearmont. Russell Dearmont was the candidate from Cape Giradeau in southeast Missouri. Wilson informed me that he wanted me to serve as state chairman in the event he was elected governor and I said I didn't have any particular desire to be state chairman. There were many other persons that were better qualified than I was. He said, "No, I wanted you in '28. Smith was a Catholic and you were a Catholic. I thought it would be better to have someone who wasn't a Catholic as chairman."

Well, one morning I got a call from Francis Wilson about five o'clock and he said, "I hope I didn't get you out of bed."

I said, "Well, where do you think I've been all night." It was five o'clock in the morning.

[23]

Well, he said, "Something terrible has happened to me--this is in the primary fight."

Well, I said, "Did someone excoriate you for your political misdeeds, something like that happen to you?"

"No," he said, "worse than that."

I said, "Well, what happened?"

He said, "Get your morning paper and read it, would you please."

I said, "Now, after I read the morning paper what do you want me to do?"

"Well," he said, "I wish you'd use your good judgment and try to help me."

I said, "Would you have any objection to me issuing a vitriolic, excoriating statement against the man who made these ugly charges against you, whatever they may be. I don't know what they are, but then if I determine to do it with your permission, can I do that?"

He said, "Yes."

I got the morning paper and Dearmont had said he was a "tool of the boss," you understand. Was made to order. He'd do their bidding and he was running under the camouflaged representation that he was decent and

[24]

pure in politics, when in actual fact he wasn't. He was representing the interests for years and so forth. So after I read the paper I prepared a loud scream to these newspapers in which I said that Russell Dearmont represented the big interests of the state, particularly the utilities, and made a fight to obtain a franchise for a utility in southeast Missouri so they could increase their rates; that he was supported by big business and all of the representatives of the big interests--the railroads, the utilities, and so on, and named them, these persons, because they were in politics. One was the mayor of St. Joe, the lawyer for the Frisco in Springfield, and the lawyers for the other railroads in St. Louis and the other public utilities. Well, anyway, it created quite a stir. So, Dearmont had to admit that he was in these fights, and that was enough to murder him. So, Wilson was nominated for governor, and so was Bennett Clark for the Senate. Well, Bennett Clark didn't want me for state chairman, someone from the western part of the state, too closely aligned with the Pendergast organization, although I supported Clark for the Senate against Charlie Howell who was supported by Pendergast. At that time Howell wasn't a very popular person. He'd been state chairman

[25]

for years and he'd been representing these different insurance companies being reorganized.

FUCHS: Now at this time you were considered more or less a right-hand man for Mr. Pendergast.

AYLWARD: Not necessarily. I never was a member of the Jackson Democratic Club. Never a dues-paying member. I advised him--never was an active member of the club. I did everything I could to keep these leaders together, to keep them from fighting each other unto the death, politically.

FUCHS: Were you Mr. Pendergast's lawyer? .

AYLWARD: No, I wasn't. Never was. The lawyers who represented Pendergast in the proceedings against him for violating the income tax law were: John Madden and R.L. Brewster of Madden and Burke, and Julius Shapiro represented him in some civil maters for many years.

FUCHS: The reason I said that was one writer has said that, in writing of the 1934 primary, that you were Pendergast's lawyer and his right-hand man and his ablest organizer.

[26]

AYLWARD: Well, I was never his lawyer and I've read those books and they are filled with misstatement and improper conclusions and inferences and falsehoods.

FUCHS: That's what we want to get, your story.

AYLWARD: I'll point them out to you as we go along.

FUCHS: Fine.

AYLWARD: Even in Reddig's book some of the facts are not true. Now the truth is that at the time of Wilson's death, Pendergast wanted me to run for governor and I declined. "There must be someone else to run for governor; now this is the opportunity." We'd been out for twelve long years and it looks like a Democratic year. Roosevelt's running for President. He looks like a cinch to win--he carried the state by several hundred thousand. So we had to get a candidate for governor.

Well, getting back to Mr. Wilson. He came to see me and said, "I want you to be state chairman."

" Well," I said, "if that's what you really want, why, I'll do it."

We went over and talked to Bennett Clark and Bennett Clark said I want Rubey Hulen for state chairman.

[27]

Jim's all right and so and so, but I want Hulen and I think I'm entitled to name the state chairman because I'm running for the Senate and you're running for governor." Well, it has always been traditional for the governor to name the state chairman but it didn't make any difference to me. So, I got a call from Wilson one evening and he said, "I'm down at the Baltimore Hotel and I'm here with Bennett Clark and we'd like to have you come down."

"Well,. I said, "now, I've got a hunch that Bennett Clark doesn't want me for state chairman. That's what you want to discuss with me." So I said, "Just forget it. I'm still for you and for Bennett. I don't care who's state chairman."

"Oh," he said, "please come down," so I went down and that's what it was all about.

I said, "All right," and Rubey Hulen was elected chairman of the state committee by the state committee; and then he came up here to see Mr. Pendergast and asked Mr. Pendergast if he would not request me to become the executive director of the campaign--a member of the state committee under Hulen.

Well, Pendergast called me up and said, "I'd like to see you." Hulen was down there. I went down to see

[28]

him. He said, "Now, Hulen would like to have you go along with him."

I said, "He doesn't need me. He's got plenty of persons who are better qualified than I am to do this job."

He said, "Oh, go on and accept it."

I said, "All right," so I became executive director. So I managed the campaign in western Missouri and he took it in eastern Missouri. Well, anyway, we nominated Park for governor--that's another story, part of this background; otherwise Truman couldn't have been nominated and elected for the Senate.

FUCHS: Wilson died, is that correct?

AYLWARD: Wilson died. I get a call about nine o'clock in the morning from Leedy. C.A. Leedy was later judge of the Supreme Court--just retired a year ago--and he said, "Jim, something terrible has happened."

Well, when he said that to me I just had a premonition that Wilson had died. He said, "We'd like to see you. We're out at Wilson's home," which was out east in Kansas City. I walked up three flights of stairs to the landing

[29]

and they were standing by the door of the apartment and told me that Mr. Wilson had died. Maury Wilson was his half brother and they said, "We can hold the announcement of his death if you want us to."

I said, "I don't think that will be necessary." I said, "I extremely regret to know that Mr. Wilson passed away. You have my sympathy, but we haven't got very long to select a candidate for governor--we were within twenty-five days from election--so under the law in order to get the candidate's name printed on the ballot it had to be sent in fifteen days before the election for general circularization. So, I had a taxicab and I went over to see Pendergast in the Ready Mix office. I informed him about the bad news of Wilson's death. He said, "What are we going to do?"

"Get a candidate for governor, that's what we're going to do."

He said, "What do you have in mind?"

I said, "Well, you ought to have men that measure up in ability, good reputation, experience and one who is popular among the people of the state, if possible, to attract their attention and support as candidate for governor."

[30]

"Well," he said, "what do you say? Who do you suggest?"

I said, "Well, what about Judge Ragland, a member of the Supreme Court, or Frank Harris, lieutenant governor?" There were many others--the former Ambassador to Russia was to be in St. Louis--and two or three others, prominent lawyers and businessmen.

He said "I don't know any of these people."

I said, "Well, I assumed you'd say that, but," I said, "we've got to have, a group of candidates. We don't want to cause all of our opposition in the party to believe you're trying to dominate the selection of a candidate for governor; if we do, you're not going to make the grade."

"Well," he said, "I'll tell you what you do. You come down to my office [this was near noon]--have your lunch and come back to my office with a candidate for governor."

Well, that was no easy matter to select a candidate for governor out of the clear sky; so Charlie Howell-we'd moved over to his office at 1940 Main--I came up to the office going through directories, you understand, trying to pick a candidate for governor. Someone that was

[31]

close enough to him that he had confidence in that he'd support, and I'm getting calls from my friends all over the state urging the organization here to support Stark for governor--Lloyd Stark, who was later governor--Tony Buford from St. Louis, a prominent lawyer and Democrat; and the bankers here were all for Stark--Swinney and Kemper and even McElroy, the city manager, and they were doing their best to influence Pendergast to support Stark for governor at this time--the Wilson camp. So, I went into this file room here adjoining my office and on top of the filing cabinet is the record or bill of exceptions in a law suit I tried before Park at Platte City; and I said, "There is the candidate"--his name came to my mind-"the gentleman who ought to be nominated or governor. He comes from Wilson's home county; he has been a follower of Wilson's for years; and he's supported by the entire Wilson crowd. He ought to make a good governor being a circuit judge and a country judge, getting away from the cities where they can't say that the city politicians were trying to dominate the selection of the governor." I returned to Pendergast's office at 1:30, and Charlie Howell was in there at the time talking to him about

[32]

Stark. (Charlie Howell was a candidate for senator, you know; he'd been former state chairman of the party.) And he said to Howell, "Well, I'm glad to see you, Charlie, but I've got an appointment with Jim Aylward. It's very important and I've got to see him right now so I wish you would retire." He did. Then he said, "Well, now what have you got to suggest?"

I said, "Well, I think Judge Guy B. Park of Platte City would make an ideal candidate for governor and can be elected."

He said, "How close are you to Park?"

I said, "I'm not very close to Park. I've known him as a jurist on the bench. I just tried a lawsuit before him. That's why he comes into my mind." I said, "You ought to know more about Park than I do." I said, "He's related to the Wilsons and all that crowd up there--the Dillinghams--they're all in the same political camp."

He said, "Well, let me make a few calls." So he made a few calls in a few moments. He said, "Get ahold of Jim." We got ahold of Jim Pendergast. He came into the office and he said, "Now you two Jims go up and ask Park to run for governor."

[33]

FUCHS: Was Tom personally acquainted with Park?

AYLWARD: Well, I'll tell you. He had a racetrack operating in his county--Riverside--and they made these charges in the St. Louis Post Dispatch later, you understand; that Green Hills was a gambling joint, open gambling in the judge's county. Well, of course, that embarrassed him-but some of his friends knew Park--they were close to him, you know. He then requested Jim and I contact Park and suggest that he become a candidate for governor. I said to Jim, "I don't want to travel up to Platte City, it's fifteen or twenty miles from here." I said, "Let's make some inquiry around Kansas City. Maybe he's in town, and I think we ought to call Leedy who was his court reporter. He may be in his brother's office," who was a lawyer in the Federal Reserve Bank Building, and we called over there and informed Leedy that we desired to see Park, and he said, "I'll have Park in the office in a half hour."

So in a half-hour we went over to the Federal Building and we proposed that he become a candidate for governor, and facetiously he said, "Why don't you run Leedy?"

[34]

I said, "Judge, this is a serious matter and it's imperative that we obtain a candidate within the next few days because the state committee is going to meet Monday. This is Friday. We have to select a candidate for governor and we can't waste any time and if you're not a candidate I know four hundred other persons who'd like to run."

He said, "I'll run."

So then it was up to us to sell the state committee, to nominate the candidate for governor and that's some job. We went to St. Louis--used the phone to contact members of the state committee in every manner possible. Had some of my friends do it, too, that knew them and had influence with them. I'm down at the Union Station, and George Wallace was the reporter for the Star, a political writer and reporter., I tell him what's going to happen. I said, "Now, I'm convinced that Guy Park is going to be nominated and I'm going to give you a scoop--a real one." I said, "Keep it under your hat until it actually happens. I don't want to be exposed or ruined." So I get a call in the station--a telephone call--I'm ready to board a train there at midnight and it was from Tony Buford in St.

[35]

Louis. He said, "I understand you're coming to St. Louis."

I said, "Well, I thought that was top secret. I don't know who told you but it's an actual fact. I intend to be in St. Louis in the morning and I hope you'll keep it confidential."

He said, "I'd like to have you talk to Stark when you're down here."

I said, "All right--at some convenient place. I assume that we'll have many conferences in the morning after we arrive there and it will be noon before I can get down to the Jefferson Hotel." I said, "You have him come down there and I'll see you out in front." So we got off at Pilot Grove station in order to avoid reporters at the Union Station, and we went over to Hulen's suite in the Park Plaza Hotel and called on him about seven in the morning--7:15, just off the train. He said, "Well, it's terrible. It's shocking, the death of Wilson, to believe that he's dead. What are we going to do?"

I said, "We're going to get a candidate for governor. That's what we're going to do."

[36]

He said, "Have you got any suggestions?"

I said, "Yes. There's Ragland and Harris, lieutenant governor and the Supreme Court's Dave Francis, former Ambassador to Russia, and so-and-so and so-and-so, and Guy Park."

He said, "I've never heard of Guy Park. Some of our friends are in a suite around here--Harry Hawes and Bennett Clark and Glen B. Arnold and Tuck Milligan, in Congress and a friend of Clark's, who was a candidate for the Senate, and they're discussing the situation. I'd like to have you and Jim come around and discuss it with them if you will."

I said, "All right."

So, I said to Jim, "Now, be careful and don't make any statements in here. We've got to be cagey here. We don't want to upset our plan."

So we went in and discussed the situation and gave them all these names including Park. They said, "Who is Park?"

He's a judge up there in Platte City. He's a well known judge in western Missouri." I said, "You've got the senatorial candidate from eastern Missouri; western

[37]

Missouri ought to have some representation; but any of these men are available and acceptable to us."

So, they were about to break up and Hawes said to me, "What are you doing to do now?"

I said, "We're going to contact every member of the state committee that it is possible for us to talk to."

He said, "Would you mind coming back here tonight and giving us a report of your canvas and what you anticipate the judgment of the state committee might be about the selecting of a candidate for governor?"

I said, "Yes, we'll come back."

So, I'm on my way out and Tuck Milligan took me by the arm and pulled me in the bathroom and he said, "Say, hell, you know Guy Park can't be elected governor, don't you? Nobody knows him up there. Nobody likes him."

He was in his district, you know; he was elected congressman in his district because he didn't like him politically.

Well, I said, "If the Democrats of this state want him and if the state committee will support him, I'm satisfied that he can be elected overwhelmingly as a candidate on the ticket. You're just mistaken."

[38]

So I walked out and got on the elevator and rode down to the first floor and [Aaron] Benisch, who is a political writer for the St. Louis Star Times caught me in the lobby and he said, "Are you Jim Pendergast?"

I had warned Jim to be careful about making statements. I said, "There's a time and place for that." I said, "No, I am not, sir," and I had Jim by the arm and we were walking out through the entrance to get in a cab, and by the time we got to the cab then he said, "Are you Jim Aylward?"

And I said, "Yes, I am."

He said, "Oh, I'd like to talk to you."

I said, "I'm going down to the Jefferson Hotel. I have an appointment."

About that time Duke Shoop drove up. He was the ace political writer for the Kansas City Star. He says, "Oh, Jim, I want to see you. "

I said, "Well, I'll be very happy to see you but I've got to go to the Jefferson Hotel,." so ten or twelve of these reporters got themselves cabs and followed us down. We had a procession coming to the Jefferson. So, I get down to the Jefferson Hotel and Tony Buford and Stark are out on the curb and the newspapermen surround me

[39]

and they want to know what I know about the situation and I proceed to tell them--as discreetly as possible--the situation is that we're willing to support any Democrat that has the capacity, ability, the honor, and integrity to serve the state. These men are all acceptable and available and they're all good men and so forth. So, I got rid of the newspapermen and then I went over to talk to Tony Buford and I said, "It would be embarrassing for us to talk to Stark here on the sidewalk. Have him go into the Jefferson and get himself a room and give us the number and we'll go up and talk to him," which he did.

Well, I'd already made up my mind about who was the best candidate. I was for Park all the way and I wasn't for any other candidate if it was possible to nominate Mr. Park and I had my own opinion about who would be the best candidate between Stark and himself, and I said to Jim Pendergast, "Now, we're going to talk to Stark and as a practical politician, you ask Mr. Stark any kind of a question that you deem necessary that will give you the information to satisfy you whether he's the best qualified candidate for the office and don't be bashful about it. Even embarrass him to the extent of asking him about

[40]

patronage appointments and distribution and so forth, and I'm not going to ask him anything." I said, "I'm not for or against him. I want you to be satisfied after you interrogate him."

Well, he asked him about patronage and he agreed to give him everything without stint or limits--no qualifications. I don't ask him anything. I'm just courteous. So we finish the conference and get outside the door in the Jefferson and Jim says to me, "He's made to order-"

I said, "Keep still. Let's walk down the hall."

So we walked down the hall and I said, "Now, Jim, we're for Guy B. Park. We're not for Stark, and," I said, "What convinces me that you ought to be against Stark is when a man agrees to give you every appointment of any value, the best and the greatest and the highest appointments within his capacity," I said, "I doubt whether I'd want to be for a man like that because that's impossible."

He said, "He's a good man.

I said, "There's nothing wrong with his honor and integrity but practically speaking, I don't think we

[41]

should support him and," I said, "from now on we're for Park."

So we went downstairs and I got on the telephone and I called Bill Igoe. He was one of the leading leaders in St. Louis. He'd been a member of Congress; he'd been state chairman, a man of influence in the St. Louis organization, and I said, "Bill, I'd like to see you a few moments."

"Oh," he said, "I'm on my way to lunch."

"Well," I said, "I haven't much time and it's very important that I see you." I said, "Couldn't you postpone your lunch or delay it a little while?" I said, "The matter that I want to talk to you about is one in which you're personally interested."

"Well," he said, "I'll wait for you."

I said, "I'll be over there in five minutes."

I got a cab and went over to his office. So I tell him what the situation is, that we want to nominate Guy Park for governor.

He said, "Hell, that's too good to believe. How do you nominate him?"

I said, "Well, let's not talk about that now. It's

[42]

going to be done. What we need is votes." I said, "Do you know anybody on the state committee that will vote for Park that I can talk to?"

He said, "I don't know anybody."

I said, "Do you remotely know somebody that I can contact?"

"Well," he says, "I know Lottie Walsh."

I said, "Will you call Lottie Walsh up and tell her that I'd like to see her? I'm in downtown St. Louis and I'll meet her in any of the hotels."

She worked nearby the Mark Twain Hotel, I think it was. I said, "Tell her I'll meet her in the lobby."

He gave me a description of her.

FUCHS: She was on the committee?

AYLWARD: She was on the committee. So I went over to see Lottie and after discussing the matter with her she agreed to vote for Guy Park for governor.

So, before I left Igoe's office he said, "Where are you going from here?"

"Well," I said, "I'm going to see the other members of the state committee who live in St. Louis, the environs,

[43]

and in the counties adjoining, if I have a chance. Now tonight"--it was Friday I think, yes, Friday, and Wilson's funeral was Saturday--so I said, "I'm going to see Kinney and Brogan."

"Why," he said, "you know Mike Kinney and [Joel Brogan would never support Park."

They were in the Senate down there. They were members of the state Senate and they were usually against the organization here. They were for their own local favorite son candidates.

He said, "You'll never get Kinney and Brogan to go along."

I said, "My real purpose is to give them an opportunity to say whether they want to or not or to demur or to courteously say I'll consider it. I don't want to put them in a position where they can ever say that I didn't call on them."

FUCHS: Were they on the committee?

AYLWARD: Yes, they were on the committee. They had a vote. Well, they were very gentle and courteous about it. They didn't decisively say they would, but indicated that they might support Park. Well, then I went out to see Johnny

[44]

Burns who was the constable in Jimmy miller's court. Jimmy Miller was the justice of the peace and he was on the state committee, and we had him pledged to support Guy Park; but he and the constable didn't get along politically. They disliked each other. Well, when I got down Burns wasn't there, and I wrote him a note and I said I'd be at the Marquette Hotel, which was the Democratic headquarters, at four o'clock and I'd like to have him come down. It would be to his advantage to see me. So a thousand persons were milling around the lobby of the Marquette Hotel. Shocked by the death of Wilson and wanting to know what we're going to do and so forth--all the prominent politicians who had an interest in politics were there. Ernest Green and Julian Freihant from Cape Girardeau were in the lobby, and they contacted me and said that they'd like to discuss the qualifications of Russell Dearmont for the nomination. Well, I couldn't say no, if they planned to do that.

I said, "Get a room in the hotel because I'm busy here talking to these politicians and members of the party, and citizens, who are all interested. I don't want to be discourteous."

[45]

So, they got a room. About that time Jimmy Burns the constable comes in and he's red faced and an Irishman and rough and tough and he said, "What in the hell do you want to see me about?"

I said, "Selecting a candidate for governor."

"Well," he said, "What is the situation?"

So I outlined it to him. I said, "It looks like Park is going to be nominated."

He said, "Who in the hell's for Park?"

I said, "Practically everybody but you, but you will be, I'm sure."

He said, "Is Jimmy Miller for Park?"

I said, "Yes."

Well, he said, "I wouldn't be for Park under those circumstances. I'm not going along with Miller."

I said, "Take it easy." I said, "All you want is a fair break in your district so far as patronage is concerned. Well, now," I said, "you're going to get that despite the fact that you don't get along with Miller. He's not going to control it. Will you accept my word that you'll be fairly treated, and that's all you re entitled to."

[46]

He said, "All right, I'll vote for Park."

So then I went up to the room where Green, an attorney in St. Louis and a friend and Julian Freihant, another friend from Cape Girardeau, were going to have a speech about the unique qualifications of Dearmont for governor and proceeded to read it to me.

I said, "Now as far as I'm concerned he is qualified to be governor. He has unquestioned ability, capacity for public service, but he's been defeated in the primary and we're opposed to him. Some other time, maybe, but right now I can't see where it's possible to elect Dearmont."

So then we contacted others. Jim saw some on his own and I saw others. So, we come back to Kansas City-get here Saturday morning and we go over to Pendergast's office, the Ready Mix office. It's about 7:30 in the morning, eight o'clock, and in a few moments the door opens to Pendergast's office and out walks Lloyd Stark. Pendergast said, "Major, come in here a moment. I want you to hear what I have to say to these two young men."

So we went back into the office and Pendergast informed us that Stark had just informed him that he was

[47]

going to retire from the race as a candidate for governor. "He said he'd like to have my support in four years if I could see my way clear to do so, and I'm saying to you I promised to support him in four years, and if I'm not around that if you two gentlemen have anything to do with politics and you're in a position to help him, I'd like to have you do it."

While we were sitting there informing Mr. Pendergast as to what progress we had made--by that time we had a majority of the state committee agreed to support Park for governor--and we continued our efforts to convince the others to make it unanimous for Park. Well, while we were sitting there talking to him about the situation, Lloyd Stark called Pendergast on the phone and he said, "Colonel"--he called him Colonel Tom--he said, "Colonel, I'm up here at the Muehlebach Hotel and my friends around the state tell me that I've got a good chance to get elected by the state committee as the nominee for governor, and I've decided to stay in the race."

He said, "All right. "

Well, then Pendergast phones us and says, "You don't have to keep my word to him. This nixed it."

[48]

Well, Harry Hawes was here, and Bennett Clark to attend the funeral--the funeral was on Saturday--and Kinney and Brogan and the Milligans and every Democrat of any importance was in town and we're still contacting them and talking to them and receiving discouragement from those that can't vote and [Wallace] Crossley, who was formerly the lieutenant governor, from Warrensburg; he was opposed to Guy Park. So, we went over to the funeral and Stark and Pendergast were talking about some matter--I assume it was politics--you couldn't hear them. But the newspapers took a picture of them when he was pointing his finger at Stark, as much to say this is that--they don't know what the conversation is--but the inference was he was telling Stark, "I'm not going to be for you," you understand. I don't think that ever happened but that is the implication that can be drawn from the picture. Oh, yes, I told you that we reported back to Hawes and Milligan and Park that night. We did report and tell them what the situation was, that apparently Park was the front-running candidate for governor and that we were going to obtain the nomination. I warned Jim; I said, "Now, be careful what you say up there. We don't

[49]

want to expose anything that might be detrimental to the situation. We'll tell them what the facts are but don't give the information as to who's going to support Park. Don't tell him the congressional districts that are going to support him, because they might change their minds; go to work on them and get them to change their minds.

Well, we got in there and sat down and I didn't have much to say. I just said that from my canvass the majority of the state committee is going to support Park for governor, and then Hawes said, "What particular congressional districts are going to support him?"

"Well," I said, "I'm not at liberty to say."

So, Jim said this district and the other district are supporting him. Well, then Hawes gave the story to his friend on the Globe Democrat, Joe McCauley, and Joe prints the story and he credits the story to Jim and I as having given him an interview. Well, I hadn't given the interview to the political reporter of the Globe Democrat. His name was Roberts, I think, a good friend of mine; so after the funeral--this is Saturday evening-I called on Bennett Clark and Hawes--they were getting

[50]

ready to leave, and Walmsley's in there and he proceeds to denounce me. He said, "Why, you can't think that Pendergast's organization controls this state and can select a candidate for governor. Well, I want to tell you right now, it's not going to happen; if it does you'll be defeated."

Oh, I said, "Walmsley, there's no need for you to get excited. After all, the Pendergast organization doesn't select the candidate for governor; the state committee does--the members of the state committee. They have the power. You mean to tell me that the Pendergast organization is influential enough to dictate to the members of the state committee who they should support for governor? Do you want me to tell the members of the state committee that you made that statement?"

Well, then he backed off. That afternoon the papers in St. Louis carried a story that Guy Park was being considered favorably for the nomination and printed a story that a race track was running in the county and Green Hills gambling joint.

FUCHS: How did Green Hills come into this? Did Park have an interest?

[51]

AYLWARD: Oh, no, he had no interest in it. It was just located in the county in which he lived. Hell, no--pardon my language--he didn't have. Well, Henry Dillingham, who was later marshal, the late Dillingham, who was for Wilson, he's sitting in the lobby of the Baltimore Hotel when I walked in there that afternoon on the way up to see Hawes and Clark and the others. He said, "Have you seen the St. Louis papers?"

I said, "No, I haven't seen them."

"Well," he said, "this is terrible. This is awful."

I said, "Quit worrying about it." I said, "We're going to nominate Park and he's going to be elected by several hundred thousand, so quit worrying."

I went up to see them and Walmsley started to shout. He was awful mad. I did the best I could to leave them friends. Then I went to see Kinney and Brogan. They were over in the Continental and I urged them to support Park and they said, "Well, we probably will."

I said, "You made me a half-way promise, didn't you?"

"Well, not all the way."

And Mort Levi is in there from Moberly and he said,

[52]

"Get him on the line, Jim. If you don't, they may not go along."

"Oh," I said, "Mort, you've known them longer than I have. They'll be with us. They'll be with the bandwagon because this is a bandwagon operation."

So, then we removed our base of operation from Kansas City to Jefferson City--on a Sunday--after we buried Wilson, and we proceeded to do everything possible to keep our friends, the friends of outstate Missouri, members of the state committee. But I'm getting ahead of my story. While I was talking to Green and Julian Freihant about Dearmont's nomination, George Wallace of the Star called me and he said, "Pendergast wants to talk to you."

I said, "I can't talk to him now, George." I said, "When I finish this conference, I'll go down to the lobby and call you on the phone."

So I called George at the Star and George said, "I understand you're in trouble. Duke Shoop called up here and said they're all for Ragland."

I said, "You remember when I informed you Saturday night that Park was going to be nominated?" I said, "He's still the horse in front and he's going to be

[53]

nominated and I'll tell you how that statement comes about." I said, "I met Duke Shoop down in the lobby of this milling crowd and he said out loud, 'Well, has Ragland got a chance?"'

I said, "Anybody's got a chance that's been mentioned." I said, "That's all I said."

He said, "Well, he told me Pendergast is worrying about something."

I said, "Oh, tell him not to worry."

The next day we went back to Jefferson City and the hotel was filled with Democrats, and the streets--everybody interested in state politics was there--all the politicians, all the workers and jobholders. I saw the reporter who attributed the story printed in the Globe Democrat to Jim and I as being the author of it, and I said, "Well, I read your story today under your byline. You know that's a damn lie, don't you? I didn't give you the story, did I? Jim Pendergast didn't give you the story either, did he?" Now, I said, "I've been your friend for years and I'm going to say to you, it may not be of any importance to you, but I'll be damned if I ever give you another story." I said, "I've been kind to you."

[54]

So he said, "Well, I'm sorry," and walked away and in a half-hour he comes over to see me. Now he said, "Jim, of course I know you didn't give me the story. This is how the story reached Joe McCauley; Senator Hawes gave him the story and put my name in there as being the writer of the story."

"All right. Everything's forgiven."

Well, Otto Higgins was down there. He used to be commissioner of the police department at city hall under McElroy. He contacted me and he said, "I wish you'd talk to Dearmont. I think you can get him out of the race."

I said, "Otto, I don't want to offend anybody, but I'm not talking to anybody about getting out of any race. I don't want to embarrass either. I don't want any conversation about this situation." Although about eight o'clock that night Sam Wear, who was a member of the state committee and later U.S. District Attorney here, he came around to the suite--my room--and he asked me if I'd talk to Howard Cook, the banker, and Charlie Mayer, the lawyer in St. Louis who represented the Daugherty interest, you know, the St. Louis Power and Light and

[55]

others--political leaders, men of influence. I said, "yes;" I went around to their rooms; they were on the same floor and they said, "Well, how are you getting along?"

I said, "All right, up to now."

They said, "We've been talking to Dearmont and we're satisfied that we can induce him to withdraw from the race."

"Well," I said, "that's fine."

"But," he said, "Dearmont is not going to make any statement in which he will publicly say he's going to support the ticket."

I said, "Don't you think that's an unfortunate mistake for him to make? A young man of his age who has political ambitions, why, if he makes that kind of a statement, well, I'm afraid that his future ambitions will be at an end because the Democratic Party is not going to support a person like that. We've been out for twelve years. We're trying to elect a Democratic ticket and now is the greatest opportunity we ever had, and if he plays the dog in the manger it's just going to be too bad for him."

[56]

"Well," he said, "he's not going to do it."

I said, "Oh, I'm sorry to hear that."

He said, "Are you going to nominate Park?"

I said, "Yes. I think unanimously."

"Unanimously. How come? You haven't got the thirteenth district." That's the Dearmont district.

I said, "I'm now in a position to inform you that I have asked the committeeman from the thirteenth district to nominate Judge Guy B. Park in the committee conference tomorrow morning and he has agreed to do so. The first district will yield to the thirteenth so that he can nominate him early."

Well they said, "Howard Cook, can you believe that?"

I said, "Believe it or not, it's a fact." So I said, "Thanks gentlemen for your good offices."

I had other fellows that wanted to get out of the race and they wanted me to write a statement and I'd prepared a statement that would withdraw them, and they said, "Will you call the newspapermen and give them the story?"

I called Harvey Wirtz, who was with the St. Louis Star Times, and I said, "Now here's a statement from the gentleman from St. Louis county out there." He'd

[57]

been a candidate for governor.

He said, "Hell, he's never been a candidate for governor."

I said, "Well, he wants me to issue a statement of withdrawal."

He said, "We're not even going to print it."

FUCHS: At that time did you actually have the thirteenth district committeeman?

AYLWARD: Yes, we had him. We had other persons working with us. Judge Ernest Tipton of the Supreme Court, he was in there pitching for us too. I'll tell you some stories about him later; but he knew the member from the thirteenth district so I had him contact him and ask him if he wouldn't nominate him or suggest it-one way or the other-that's how it comes about-he had contacted him. So the next morning I got a telephone call, about 5:30 in the morning, and it's from Pendergast. And I said, "where are you?" It was a surprise to me. Quite a surprise to have him call me at 5:30 in the morning.

"Well, I'm in town." He says, "I'm over at the Madison Hotel barber shop and I'd like to see you."

Well, I said, "I want to see you. I'll be over."

[58]

So I dressed and I came down to the lobby, and in the lobby were two members of the state committee--one held a proxy and the other was a regular member--Wilson Bell and Colonel Bouchard, who runs the paper at Flat River, Missouri, and they had informed me the day before they didn't want to support Park because they didn't like the Pendergast organization. It was venal; it had a bad reputation; it didn't keep its word, etc. And I tried to convince them that those were falsehoods, lies and untrue. We did keep our word and would if given, and they informed me that they'd like to meet Pendergast sometime.

I said, "If you're ever in Kansas City, I'll be very glad to introduce you to Pendergast."

When I got down to the lobby, they're there in the lobby, so I said, "Come with me."

They said, "What do you want?"

I said, "I want you to meet somebody."

So we went over to the Madison Hotel and Pendergast was in the barber's chair and I saw Bill McClory there and I said, "Where is Mr. Pendergast?"

He said, "He's in the chair."

About that time he said to the barber, "Take the towel off." I went over there and he said, "I understand

[59]

you're in trouble."

"What kind of trouble?"

"You're not going to be able to nominate Park."

I said, "I told you yesterday that he was nominated. Now you're going to upset the applecart. Please get out of town will you before you ruin it?"

He said, "All right."

I said, "Don't be seen in town. Drive away." I said, "I want you to meet two men here. I solicited their vote. They don't have much confidence in your organization I can tell you that. I've done everything I could to dispel that impression and I think I've got them about convinced. They want to meet you and I want you to tell them that whatever they do will be rewarded if reasonable and honorable to do so by way of patronage in their district."

He said, "All right. I'll do it." He did it and they said, "All right, we'll vote for Park." So Pendergast left the city.

The meeting was to be at 10:00 in the Senate lounge. Well, my friend Joe Shannon was over there. He was out in the hallway just outside of the Senate chamber, and he caught me and he proceeded to excoriate me--tell

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me what a wiseacre I was, you know, to be doing these things and get by--you're not going to get by with it.

"Oh," I said, "take it easy Mr. Shannon. We've been friends since I was a boy. I haven't anything against you. Park is going to be nominated and you'll need help, so there isn't a thing you can do to upset the situation. You don't control any votes on the state committee, so settle down and let's all be friends, and he'll be unanimously nominated by all of them."

So, that was all the opposition I was meeting with from time to time. So, we nominated Park. We got his name printed on the ballot. He had about a fifteen-day campaign, and we dragged him over the state and I continued to canvass the state, contact the Democrats in various counties, towns and hamlets and villages. I knew them all, you know, personally acquainted with them, as director of the campaign for the state committee and others--not only the active Democrats, but other persons in the state--and Park was elected along with Roosevelt by 250,000. By reason of the election of Park, why, Pendergast became a statewide leader. He was in a position to obtain jobs for members of the faithful not only here but all over the state, and thereby build up

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a statewide organization that would go along with any reasonable program suggested to them; and that's how he became powerful enough to be in a position to offer a candidate for the Senate and had more than a reasonable chance of nominating and electing the candidate to the United States Senate. Well, he wanted me to run for the United States Senate--this is early--seven or eight months prior to the primary and I informed him that I did not wish to run, and apparently he believed that I wanted to be cajoled into this, you understand, but I didn't. I definitely made up my mind that I wasn't going to be a candidate, and Maurice Milligan filed in January for the United States Senate under the sponsorship of Bennett Clark who was the United States Senator from Missouri. He was a war buddy of Clark's and in Congress at the time. Now the St. Louis organization voluntarily agreed to support me for the Senate-Bill Igoe and Hannegan and all the other prominent Democrats down there that had anything to do with organizing.

FUCHS: Was Bernie Dickmann prominent at that time?

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AYLWARD: Yes, he was prominent and so was Johnny Nangle. Bernard Dickmann was mayor of the town. Nangle was treasurer of the state committee, I think, afterward national committeeman. But I had the prominent leaders in the Democratic politics and I informed them that I was not going to be a candidate for the Senate. Bill Igoe was talking to me on Saturday night and I said, "Bill, I appreciate from the bottom of my whole heart everything that you are willing to do for me urging me to run for the Senate, but I'm not going to be a candidate for the Senate. Now," I said, " want to offer a suggestion to you. If you have in mind filing anyone for the Senate, well, you might as well go ahead and file him. It's not going to be me. We've got to get a candidate. I don't know who our candidate is going to be."

"Well," he says, "then I'll file Cochran."

So, they filed John Cochran, who was a member of Congress and had been for years, succeeded Igoe in Congress, was close to him and was a very popular member of Congress and popular in the city of St. Louis. Well, that's about April, so about a week after that I went to Pendergast and I said, "The last day to file is in June. If you don't have a candidate for the Senate, you'll be out of

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state politics. You'll be finished."

"Well," he said, "you're going to run."

I said, "I am not going to run. I definitely told you that."

He said, "Do you have any suggestions?"

I said, "Yes, I have some suggestions." So I gave him the names of ten persons, business and professional, Democrats who all qualified to live up to the proud traditions of Missouri's representatives in the Senate.

He said, "I don't know any of them."

FUCHS: Who were they?

AYLWARD: Well, I just gave him the names. Some of them have gone out of my mind but they were all prominent Democrats. So I said, "What kind of a Senator do you want?"

He said, "I'd like to have someone I can talk to--close enough to talk to."

I said, "That's reasonable."

Jim Pendergast is sitting there, and I said to Pendergast, "Well, why don't you run Harry S. Truman for the United States Senate?" I said, "He's a former soldier. He soldiered with Jim here, your nephew. He's a member

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of the Masonic order; he's a Baptist; he's been active in affairs around here."

He said, "Nobody knows him. He's an ordinary county judge and not known outside Jackson County." He said, "Do you mean seriously to tell me that you actually believe that Truman can be nominated and elected to the United States Senate?"

I said, "Yes, at this time. We're in a position to do it because we have all the contacts. We know all of the politicians in this state--everybody who's interested in state, county, and town politics. They're all our friends and they're willing to go along but they're becoming committed to Milligan or Cochran, and unless you do something about it there'll be an exodus from our crowd into the other crowd and we'll be in bad shape."

He sent Jim and I down to ask Harry Truman to file. Harry Truman was out in the state making speeches in support of a state bond issue that was to be used, in the event of its adoption, the funds were, for the rehabilitation and building of eleemosynary, charitable institutions.

So, we assumed that Harry Truman was in Jefferson City and we drove down to Jefferson City and discovered that

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Mr. Truman was not there but was in Warsaw. So, I called Mr. Truman on long distance telephone and talked to him at Warsaw. I said to him, "Judge, Jim Pendergast and I are in Jefferson City and it's very important and imperative that we see you almost immediately, at least during the day."

And he said, "Why do you want to see me? What do you want to talk to me about?"

I said, "We can't discuss it on the telephone."

He said, "Is it politics?"

I said, "Yes."

He said, "You know I'm a candidate for county collector."

I said, "I don't want to seem offensive to you because I have no control over your ambitions, but from this day forward we'd like to have you run for a different office--another office that you don't have in mind."

He said, "I don't want to run."

I said, "Let's not argue about it over the telephone. When can we see you?"

He said, "I'll be in Sedalia tonight at the Terry Hotel at six o'clock."

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I said, "Jim and I'll drive back to Sedalia [that's sixty-five miles from Jefferson City] and we'll wait there for you."

So we waited in the lobby and he came in with his troop--Doc Williams, who was a friend of Clark, was with him--he was a dentist over in Excelsior Springs, and Scott Wilson, I remember, who was a member of the highway department under Clark, and one or two others--I can't recall to mind their names right at the moment.

So, when he came in, others were seated around there-politicians in Pettis County. They said to me, "We're all for you for the United States Senate."

And I said, "I'm not going to run for the United States Senate."

He was the political boss of Pettis county. Well, he said, "Who is going to run?"

I said, "Well, if you wait around here for a half hour, I'll point him out to you."

Truman came and Jim and I sat down and proceeded to talk to him, and Truman said, "Now, I've been promised the support for county collector. It's a good office. It pays fees of $50,000 a year, and," he said, "my heart was set on running. I can't win as a candidate for the United

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States Senate. Nobody knows me and I haven't got any money. I'm not equipped to make a campaign."

I said, "We'll help you financially. We'll raise the money necessary some way, among friends, and you file and I am convinced that you can be nominated and elected to the United States Senate, particularly this time." I said, "We're in a position to have all of the politicians-Democrats of any influence throughout this state--to support you, but we've got to do something now. We've got to start a campaign. We only have about a thirty-forty day campaign here and we can't let this go down the drain."

FUCHS: Had Pendergast made a commitment to Mr. Truman about county collector?

AYLWARD: I don't know whether he had or not but I'm just telling you that's just what had to be.

FUCHS: I thought he also had some aspirations for the congressional seat.

AYLWARD: Well, that was prior to that time. There was some talk about it. He offered to support me for Congress, too, Pendergast did, years prior to this. Anyway, after

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discussing the matter with him he agreed to file for the Senate; so we went upstairs where they had every evening a dinner and listened to their discussion as to the good reasons why the voters of the state should support the bond issue. Well, after the meeting I said to Truman, "Now, we've got to outline plans for this campaign. After you file I'll meet you in Jim Pendergast's office at 1209 Commerce (that's on this floor--he was around there in those days) and we'll discuss the manner of conducting this campaign and what shall be done towards raising sufficient funds to finance your campaign, and whose services we might obtain to aid and assist us in doing so."

Well, the next morning, or the morning thereafter, we met in Jim Pendergast's office at ten o'clock, and he came in with Fred Canfil, whom he later appointed United States Marshal. Canfil was a swashbuckling fellow, you know; had been a soldier of fortune in the Boer War and so forth--this was part of his background--a nice person. He was a loyal, close personal friend of Truman's.

FUCHS: Do you have any idea of how Mr. Truman became acquainted with him?

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AYLWARD: No, I don't. It might have been in the Army. Perhaps that's where he met him, in the Army.

So, I requested my brother to meet with us, Charles Aylward, who was the president of the Columbia National Bank, and I asked him if he wouldn't act as his treasurer, which he agreed to do. I said to Truman--judge I called him--it's more respectful than Harry--I wasn't that familiar, to call him Harry. "Oh," I said, "you've been in politics about twenty-five years. You should have saved some money. I assume you can contribute something to the funds necessary to defray the expenses of your campaign."

He says, "I'm broke. I haven't got any money."

So I said to Jim Pendergast, "I never backed a candidate for public office who wasn't broke. He's no exception. We've got to keep our friend looking decent and respectable as a candidate." I said, "If you'll give him $500, I'll give him $500 now," which we both did. Then my brother solicited our friends for funds to keep the Truman campaign alive and the show on the road. We engaged a sound truck. We associated with it some of the foremost men in the newspaper business, whom we collaborated with in the writing of the Truman speeches.

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We had John P. Gilday of the Kansas City Star, who was a man of letters. He wrote the "Friends from the Bookshelf." He was one of the leading literary geniuses. We had Bill Harvey, who was then on the Kansas City Journal and the Kansas City Post and had been with Washington newspapers. I made him director of publicity of the state committee, and we had Holloway who had formerly been with the Kansas Post and was then in Jefferson City, and others.

FUCHS: Did you write speeches, too?

AYLWARD: All of us. We all collaborated together, furnished our own ideas, wrote them and prepared them in advance so that he'd have a copy of the speech a day before it was to be delivered. And he read them and he didn't do a very good job of reading, but he read them; but he could make a good speech later. Canfil was a courier, our messenger, that carried these speeches from our headquarters in Kansas City to the points where he was to deliver them.

FUCHS: Where was your headquarters?

AYLWARD: In the building where the library is now at 12th and Oak Street. James R. Lillis, who owned the building or

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was the agent for it--he owns the Lillis Building down there--he provided the headquarters for us free, without charge.

FUCHS: Canfil was a courier and not as one writer has said, the campaign manager?

AYLWARD: No, I managed the campaign.

FUCHS: Both for the primary and the general election?

AYLWARD: Yes. I was state chairman in the general election and covered the state. As I say, these speeches were prepared, we decided what issues were to be discussed--foreign and domestic policy, and he was strong for the Roosevelt administration and its policies all the way. He was running against Roscoe Patterson of Springfield who was Republican U.S. District Attorney.

FUCHS: Mr. Pendergast was not necessarily too strong for Mr. Roosevelt. How did he feel about Mr. Truman running on a "support Roosevelt" ticket?

AYLWARD: Well, he didn't have much to say about that and he was willing to leave judgment about that matter to us, which he did. As I say, we did our level best to present

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the issues from the Democratic standpoint, and we delivered to the editors of the newspapers and the metropolitan centers a copy of this speech to be delivered by Truman the day before it was to be delivered. I think we're the only ones who did that kind of work. The others were indifferent about it. On one occasion I got a call from the city editor of the Post Dispatch and he complained that Truman didn't deliver his speech in Hannibal that we sent down there representing that it would be delivered, and they weren't going to print anymore of these speeches and I beseeched him not to do that. I said there was a breakdown in that connection and it will never happen again, and I hope you'll continue to print the speeches.

Well, he said, "Under those circumstances we'll continue unless something untoward happens to cause us to change our mind." So, Canfil didn't reach Hannibal on time.

FUCHS: What happened? Did he leave later or have a car failure?

AYLWARD: Something happened to him. He got there while Truman was improvising his speech--extemporizing; he decided to

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deliver his speech in Hannibal. Well, we made all the answers to the charges that were made by Patterson and the other candidates running against us--Milligan and Cochran. As I say, Walter Miller, who was the county assessor of Jackson County, and William Hart, who was in politics here and Harry Sandler, Sandler Coal Company--they took their turns in driving me over this state. I called on all the prominent Democrats that I could contact--Republicans whom I knew; businessmen; all the newspaper publishers; every person with any prominence in the county that I could approach about the Truman campaign for the Senate. We had a difficult time in the raising of money. We didn't have many affluent contributors. Tommy McGee gave $1,000 and perhaps another $1,000, and W. T. Kemper gave him $1,000; but anyway we raised the munificent fund of about $35,000 which this campaign was conducted on. We were charged with spending a half a million dollars to nominate Truman to the United States Senate--a charge made by Milligan and his brother was the United States District Attorney at the time.

FUCHS: How did Ralph Truman come into that charge?

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AYLWARD: Well, Ralph Truman was his cousin. He was for Milligan. I don't know how he came into the charge, but however this is the way I handled it. I had the county committee here and the state committee, and I contacted all these committees and all these counties and made them an organization speech throughout the state--started in Jefferson City. I informed them how to get out the vote; how to influence the vote; how to induce the voters to take interest in politics. Talked to all the members of the committee and all the political organizations throughout the state. Here I used to appear before this committee every week, prior to that time--all the time I was county chairman. That was my soundboard and I'd call in the newspaper reporters and I'd make a speech so that they could publish it. Well, I made a radio speech in which I charged the Milligan campaign managers of putting out a malicious charge that we had spent or were spending $500,000 to nominate Truman to the Senate. I said we do not possess the bankroll that the other candidates have--ours is very modest; and I said Tuck Milligan's brother, Maurice, is United States District Attorney and I call on him now to call a grand jury and

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conduct an investigation. He hasn't got much time in which to do it. If he believes there is any truth in those charges, he ought to do that now. I deny it and I charged that they were spending several hundred thousand in their campaign to elect a United States Senator.

FUCHS: Was there any limitation? If you could have raised the money . . .

AYLWARD: Well, there was the corrupt practice act. They don't respect it any more apparently. They now spend this money through committees that they set up and they claim the committees -are not required to report the expenditures of funds. We were required to report it to the clerk of the House of Representatives.

FUCHS: That act had been passed by that time, then?

AYLWARD: You understand?

FUCHS: Yes.

AYLWARD: Now, that report says. Now I may not be accurate in these figures, but I don't think we had more than $35,000; and I'll tell you we had plenty of trouble

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keeping the contest moving. I'd get a call from down in southeast Missouri that the truck was in the mud and unable to move and needed repairs and we'd have to go out and borrow enough money from our friends or get someone to contribute to repair the truck to keep it moving. One morning leaving Jeff City--whenever we were near Jeff City--within fifty miles--we drove in there because the accommodations were much better than they were in other places in the country--and Walter Miller and I drove in on this evening, and Colonel Casteel, who was a Milligan supporter and held a job under Clark, he saw us, he was sitting in front of the Madison Hotel, and Miller said to me, "There's Cap Casteel."

I said, "Yes."

He said, "Shall we invite him up to the room?"

I said, "Sure, invite him up to the room. He'll want to know what's going on. Maybe we can engage him in a little gossip." So he came up and we offered him a drink which he declined, and he didn't give out much information. So the next morning--we carried two black bags, our luggage--and the next morning on the front page of the Times there was a little story about two men

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carrying two black bags who were campaigning for Harry S. Truman, registered in Jefferson City last night and departed this morning--they were referring to us. A little facetiousness you understand. Well, that morning I walked up to High and Madison intersection and standing on the corner is Judge Ernest Tipton of the [Missouri] State Supreme Court, and he said, "Jim, where are you going today?"

Why I said, "I'm going to northeast Missouri. I'm going to travel over to Mexico, Callway County, Louisiana, Bowling Green."

He said, "I'd like to go with you."

I said, "Judge, you're a member of the Supreme Court and the people of this state have a high respect for you--integrity and honor--they believe you to be an eminent jurist not a politician. Don't you think it might embarrass you if you rode along with me? It's well known that I'm campaigning for Harry S. Truman for the United States Senate. The papers have published that from day to day, and I fear that if you ride with me, the St. Louis papers will tear the hide off your bones."

He said, "Well, I'll be glad to go if you'll let me and accept me."

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I said, "Judge, get in, let's go."

FUCHS: As you said, the implication of the "two black bags" was that you were carrying money, but were these bags in addition to your regular suitcases or…

AYLWARD: Yes, you know an ordinary sized bag.

FUCHS: They were just what your clothes were in?

AYLWARD: Yes, that's all. That's all we had in the bags--didn't have any money to spend otherwise. I was paying my own expenses and there wasn't any kitty out of which that was coming.

FUCHS: This initial $1,000 that you gave Mr. Truman, was that earmarked for anything in particular when you said you wanted to keep the candidate "looking decent and respectable?"

AYLWARD: No. He had to get around--spend some money and starting without any. No, no earmarks on it. As I said, I spent my own money making the campaign. It didn't come out of any political treasury or fund.

Now, I'll get back to this. He gets in the car and the first stop is at Auxvasse, Missouri, across the

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river, a little town, to call on the general merchant--he was a notary public, and the undertaker and he sells hardwood and implements, implements and groceries, oh, everything for the family--mankind. So I introduced myself to him and I told him that I was there in the interest of Harry S. Truman, and we'd like to set up an organization in the county and township, and that I was convinced that Mr. Truman was the best qualified candidate in the race. He would represent your people--the downtrodden, the oppressed and the farmer and the businessman, etc. He said, "Well, I don't know." He said, "My preacher over here is for Cochran."

I said, "To what church denomination of religion are you a member--do you belong?"

He said, "I'm a Presbyterian but I don't believe my preacher knows that Cochran is a Catholic."

I said, "Would that make any difference around here?"

He said, "Oh, yes, it would make quite a difference."

I winked at Tipton. Well, I said, "Would you use your good offices with your preacher? Would you attempt to change his views about the matter and induce him to support Truman for United States Senate?"

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He said, "Well, I'll make that effort."

I said, "I'll be back here in about a week to see you."

Well, he set up a Truman organization. We did this in all the counties. Now, we're traveling along and I stop at all the newspaper offices, call on all the publishers to see if there are any Democrats in the county, and the prominent Republicans that I know or that I have been informed that would be friendly. I called on Stark at Louisiana on the way over and he wasn't there at his nursery; and I went into Louisiana and on the street is Andrew J. Murphy, Jr. He holds a job under Clark in the land department, and he's for Milligan, and he sees me and he says, "What are you doing in Louisiana?"

I said, "I assume you suspect what I'm doing. I'm doing what you suspect. I'm trying to set up an organization for Truman to induce the voters of this county to join us and vote for Truman."

He says, "Why, you can never do that down here. We're natives. We know what's going on."

I said, "Your father, Andrew Murphy, Sr., is for Truman. He held a job in Jeff City in the Unemployment Compensation Division. He's for Truman." I said, "I

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don't think you out rate your father in influence in this county. I think he can obtain more votes than you."

He said, "I think you're mistaken about that."

I said, "I'm not going to argue with you about that;" so I called on five or six persons. He followed me down the street, checking up on me, following along. So finally I got up to the main intersection of town and there's a law office on the second floor of this frame building. The name of the firm is May and May. I'm going to talk to them about the Truman campaign and ask him if he wants to act as chairman of the Truman Speaking Committee and introduce Truman at his speech in Hannibal. So, he follows me up the staircase and he said, "Are you going up there to see those persons?"

I said, "Yes, I'm looking for votes."

He says, "You know they're Ku Kluxers, don't you?"

I said, "It makes no difference to me who they are, I'm looking for votes--qualified voters--anybody who has a right to vote I'm soliciting."

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So, he says, "Here's where I leave you."

I said, "All right," and May did introduce him and that's where Canfil fell down. He didn't get the speech over there; however, Truman improvised and got by. So then we went into Bowling Green, and the county seat of Pike County. That's where the Clarks were born and reared. Old Champ Clark was a member of the House for years and its Speaker and a candidate for President against Wilson in 1912--almost broke his heart because he didn't get that nomination--it was set up for him, but Bryan beat him--he finally outmaneuvered him and obtained the nomination for Wilson. So, I called on the county officials--oh, it's 3:30 in the afternoon, four o'clock. Tipton is there with me and he's standing on the corner, up to this moment I hadn't been curious enough to say to him, "Now, really, why are you traveling with me?"

So I'd been gone about twenty minutes and he said, "Aren't you going to see the newspaperman over here--the Bowling Green Times?"

Why, I said, "Tipton, I haven't passed up a newspaperman in any county through which I've passed, have I?

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He said, "No."

I said, "Do you know the newspaperman?"

He said, "Yes."

I said, "Let's go and see him." So we went up to the office on second floor of the frame building--the Bowling Green Times was the name of the paper, and the owner, editor and publisher I believe his name was Freeman. So, I make my pitch. I tell him what I'm there for, in the interest of Harry S. Truman for United States Senator and he proceeds to tell me immediately that he's a friend of the Clark family, that he has been a true, loyal, steadfast friend of the Clarks his entire lifetime; that the paper has supported the Clarks in season and out of season and is going to continue to be loyal. Well, I said, "I commend you for your loyalty and your faithfulness to your friends." I said, "Perhaps some time in the future we may see eye-to-eye on some candidate for a state office that we can get together on." I said, "Thank you for the privilege of meeting you and seeing you and I bid you good-bye and good luck." And I'm on my way out and he said, "Say, maybe you could help me."

I said, "What do you have in mind?"

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He said, "There's a vacancy here in the office of probate judge and I'm interested in a young lawyer, who's honorable, ethical and qualified, and I'd like to have him obtain that appointment."

I said, "My friend, I'd like to help you but you're against Truman and therefore I'm not going to help any of your friends who'll be against Truman. Under the circumstances, I exceedingly regret to say to you that I can't help you."

He said, "It might make a difference."

I said, "How much difference would it make?"

"Well," he said, "I'll give you the support of the paper."

I said, "Now, you're talking business." I said, "If you'll give us the support of this paper, I'll endeavor to get your friend appointed."

He said, "Fine."

I said, "Can I use your telephone?"

He said, "Yes."

So, I called Governor Park and I tell him what the situation is and he said, "Can you trust that fellow?"

I said, "Yes, I think he's all right."

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He said, "All right. Tell him that I'll appoint his friend. I'll send the certificate of appointment down there by special messenger. It will be there in the morning."

FUCHS: Would you care to say who this man was?

AYLWARD: I've forgotten, but he was appointed. I didn't know him. He was a friend of Freeman's. Well, two years later they had a meeting of the national committee in New York. I think it was at the Roosevelt Hotel, and Clark was there and so is Truman--members of the Senate meeting with the committee, and I'm there as a member of the national committee. So, at noon we adjourned and as we walked out Clark said to me, "I'd like to buy you a drink"--it was the Biltmore Hotel--so, I went into the bar with him and while we were partaking of this drink Clark said to me, "Could you inform me how Truman managed to obtain fifty percent of the vote in Pike County--my home county?" He said, "That's something I could never understand. I just wondered how that happened."

I said, "Bennett, did you know there was a vacancy in the office of probate judge in Pike County?"

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He said, "Did that so-and-so sell out for that appointment?"

I said, "That's practical politics, my friend. I don't think he sold out. He was just taking care of his own situation politically."

Well, afterward that fellow, while Truman was in the Senate and had something to say about the appointment of postmaster, was an applicant for postmaster of the county and Truman wouldn't appoint him. Of course, Truman didn't know about this. I don't believe he knows about this to this day. I never told him. But, we had various things like that happen.

FUCHS: That's a very interesting sidelight. Can you recall any others like that?

AYLWARD: Well, we met stiff opposition in the "Bible belt" down through central Missouri. I went to Pendergast and I suggested that we should open Truman's campaign in Columbia, Missouri--the educational and cultural center of Missouri where we were despised--didn't have any friends--the so-called "Bible belt" in "Little Dixie." He said, "You're not foolish, are you? How are you going to get a crowd there?"

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I said, "We'll have the support of the crowd. We'll send them over there by truck and bus and train and automobile." I said, "We'll send a crowd out of Jeff City thirty miles away--all those job holders-we'll carry them from St. Louis and Kansas City and the other places around. We've got to make a real impression on rural Missouri that we're in front in this fight and we're going to win."

So, they had Truman make his speech from the platform of a truck, and he had his mother along with him who was eighty-two years of age--sitting on the truck-and he read his speech; and he amassed a crowd of some 2,500 people about the public square in Columbia; and it did make a real impression and we did deliver the crowd. Well, after the meeting I gave a reception for the newspapermen, and they were all